Suchergebnisse

On May 2004, eight post-socialist countries (the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland, Slovenia, Estonia, Lithuania, Hungary and Latvia) became full members of the European Union. The negotiations for accession to the European Union of these countries –and with them, the Hungarian accession– started in 1998 in Brussels and ended in December 2002 in Copenhagen with the signing of the Act Relative to the Conditions of Accession and the Adjustments of the Treaties of the European Union. The fifth enlargement of the European Union, this time to the East, became a priority in the agenda of the Union on the second half of the nineties, but its system of more general political conditions was conditioned by the changes in international relations generated by the disappearance of the bipolar world system and the collapse of real socialism. This article will examine the background and the external and internal conditions of the accession of Hungary to the European Union; will address the political and constitutional implications of accession for Hungary; will analyze the country's global integration into the European Union institutions and policies; will try to explain the Hungarian contribution to the strengthening of European integration; and will finally address issues of democratic deficit and the role played by Hungary in the European Union. ; El primero de mayo de 2004 ocho países postsocialistas (la República Checa, Eslovaquia, Polo-nia, Eslovenia, Estonia, Lituania, Hungría y Letonia) se convirtieron en miembros de pleno derecho de la Unión Europea. Las negociaciones para la adhesión a la Unión Europea de estos países –y con ellos, la de Hungría– comenzaron en 1998 en Bruselas y terminaron en diciembre de 2002 en Copenhague con la firma del Acta Relativa a las Condiciones de Adhesión, y las adaptaciones de los Tratados de la Unión Europea. La quinta ampliación de la Unión Europea –esta vez hacia el Este– fue prioritaria en la agenda de la Unión a partir de la segunda mitad de los noventa, aunque su sistema de condiciones políticas más generales estuvo condicionado por los cambios acaecidos en las relaciones internacionales, la desaparición del sistema bipolar mundial y el colapso del socialismo real. Este artículo examinará los antecedentes y las condiciones generales exteriores e interiores de la adhesión de Hungría a la Unión Europea; se ocupará de las consecuencias político-constitucionales de la adhesión para Hungría; analizará la inserción del país en la Unión Europea; tratará de explicar la contribución húngara al reforzamiento de la integración europea; y abordará finalmente las cuestiones del déficit democrática y el rol jugado por Hungría en la Unión Europea.

In the second half of the last century fundamental and historical geopolitical changes took place in the world. In the three semi-peripheral regions of the world (Southern Europe, Latin America, Central and Eastern Europe) the different types of authoritarian and bureaucratic dictatorships failed. Emerging countries, particularly the group of BRICS countries, came to the fore in world politics. In Latin America, the era of states of exception ended and the process of democratization and the establishment of hybrid democratic political systems began. The bipolar world ended and the process of building the multipolar world commenced. Simultaneously with these processes and phenomena, in recent years the concept of sub-imperialism, elaborated by Ruy Mauro Marini in the 1970s, has been reconsidered. The question arises: how valid is today the concept and thought of Ruy Mauro Marini and can this concept be understood to describe and interpret the phenomena of half a century later? How can we characterize Brazil: is it a sub-imperialism and/or a great power? ; En la segunda mitad del siglo pasado tuvieron lugar cambios geopolíticos fundamentales e históricos en el mundo. En las tres regiones semiperiféricas del mundo (Europa del Sur, América Latina, Europa Central y Oriental) fracasaron los distintos tipos de las dictaduras autoritarias y burocráticas. Pasaron a primer plano de la política mundial los países emergentes, particularmente el grupo de los países de BRICS. En América Latina se terminó la época de los estados de excepción y se inició el proceso de democratización y el establecimiento de los sistemas políticos democráticos híbridos. Acabó el mundo bipolar e inició el proceso de la construcción del mundo multipolar. Simultáneamente con estos procesos y fenómenos, en los últimos años ha sido reconsiderado el concepto del subimperialismo, elaborado por Ruy Mauro Marini en la década de los 70. Se plantea la cuestión: ¿qué vigencia tiene el concepto y pensamiento de Ruy Mauro Marini en nuestros días y se puede entender este concepto para describir e interpretar los procesos y fenómenos de medio siglo después? Cómo podemos caracterizar a Brasil: ¿es un subimperialismo y/o una gran potencia?

In South America in the 1960s and 1970s the contradictions of economic, social and political structures were deepening. The excepcional states of the new militarism appeared on the continent. Formally these state systems were set up by the institutional takeover of the armed forces. The military governments strove for the total reorganization and modernization of the societies in their all ‒ economic, political and ideological ‒ territories.The break-down of the military dictatorships in South America, in the one of three semi-peripherical areas of the world, took place in the 1970s and 1980s and 1990s and it was followed by the restoration of the civil governing in the form of hybrid systems. All these processes constituted the parts of the democratization.However in those societies have been present the authoritarian enclaves and the so-called "powers that be" as well as the inherited non-elected system of institutions of the controlled democray endangering the democratic establishment.The study aims at analizing these processes, the governmental and the state structures and the Económic transformations on the ground of the Brazilian experiences.

In South-America over the past seventy years the contradictions of economic, social and political structures have been deepening. In order to surmount the structural crisis the different political forces and governments have elaborated various strategies. One of the replies to the crisis was given by the Latin-American Military Forces. The takeover committed by the Brazilian Army on 1 April,1964 meant the beginning of a new militarism. The new types of military dictatorship created excepcional states and started the total reorganization and modernization of the societies - economic, political and ideological - territories. The break-down of the military dictatorships in South-America took place in the 1980s and 1990s and it was to say that a new era started in the history of Latin-America. In Brasil the military system lost his power in March,1985 and the democratic system was intended to be restored, which meant a new period in the history of that country. Brasil has changed and has been modernized, however the enclaves of historical heritage with the great influence have not disappeared and the economic and social inequalities have not essentially decreased yet. The study aims at analizing the economic and political changes during the period of dictatorship in Brasil. ; Durante los últimos setenta años en el continente latinoamericano se agudizaron las contradicciones de la crisis estructural de la economía, de la política y de la sociedad. Se presentaron las distintas estrategias y tentativas para superar la crisis estructural del hemisferio. Una de estas respuestas fue la intervención militar de las fuerzas armadas latinoamericanas. Con la intervención del Ejército brasileño de 1 de abril de 1964 en el continente comenzó la época del nuevo golpismo. Las dictaduras y los regímenes militares de nuevos tipos establecieron los estados de excepción y los sistemas políticos autoritarios e iniciaron la refundación y la reorganización total de las estructuras económicas, sociales y políticas. A finales de la década de los años ochenta fueron derrocadas las dictaduras militares y comenzó una nueva etapa en la historia de América Latina. En Brasil fracasó el régimen militar en marzo de 1985, fue introducido y restablecido el sistema democrático y comenzó la nueva época del cambio. El país se mudó y se modernizó. A pesar de las transformaciones y cambios mencionados, permanecieron los históricos enclaves autoritarios y heredados en el sistema político brasileño y no disminuyeron las desigualdades económicas y sociales tampoco. El ensayo analiza las transformaciones, los cambios políticos, económicos y los procesos llevados a cabo en Brasil durante la época de la dictadura.

New Militarism,Exceptional State and the Process of Modernization in Latin America: the Chilean Case In South America in the 1960s and 1970s the contradictions of economic, social and political structures were deepening. In order to surmount the structural crisis the different political forces, tendencies and governments elaborated various strategies. These attempts aiming at reorganizing the society led to undermining the hegemony of ruling governing block and radical transformation of state apparatus. Progressive and regressive forms of military dictatorship and excepcional states of the new militarism appeared on the continent because of the Brazilian military takeover of April, 1964. Formally these state systems were set up by the institutional takeover of the armed forces. The military governments strove for the total reorganization and modernization of the societies in their all – economic, political and ideological – territories. The study aims at analizing the different models of modernization on the ground of the Chilean case. ; New Militarism,Exceptional State and the Process of Modernization in Latin America: the Chilean Case In South America in the 1960s and 1970s the contradictions of economic, social and political structures were deepening. In order to surmount the structural crisis the different political forces, tendencies and governments elaborated various strategies. These attempts aiming at reorganizing the society led to undermining the hegemony of ruling governing block and radical transformation of state apparatus. Progressive and regressive forms of military dictatorship and excepcional states of the new militarism appeared on the continent because of the Brazilian military takeover of April, 1964. Formally these state systems were set up by the institutional takeover of the armed forces. The military governments strove for the total reorganization and modernization of the societies in their all – economic, political and ideological – territories. The study aims at analizing the different models of modernization on the ground of the Chilean case. ; New Militarism,Exceptional State and the Process of Modernization in Latin America: the Chilean Case In South America in the 1960s and 1970s the contradictions of economic, social and political structures were deepening. In order to surmount the structural crisis the different political forces, tendencies and governments elaborated various strategies. These attempts aiming at reorganizing the society led to undermining the hegemony of ruling governing block and radical transformation of state apparatus. Progressive and regressive forms of military dictatorship and excepcional states of the new militarism appeared on the continent because of the Brazilian military takeover of April, 1964. Formally these state systems were set up by the institutional takeover of the armed forces. The military governments strove for the total reorganization and modernization of the societies in their all – economic, political and ideological – territories. The study aims at analizing the different models of modernization on the ground of the Chilean case.

Geopolitics as a multidisciplinary branch of social science and as a theory of foreign policy appeared on the Latin-American continent in the second half of the 1920s. The main features they include are the next: aggressive approach to the space, the continental adaption of the organic state-theory elaborated by Ratzel and Kjellen, moreover, the developed geopolitical theory was thought to be converted into practice via the growing role of the army. In all Latin- American countries the armed forces and their various institutions became the scientific centre of elaborating the new attitude to the international relations as a theory. When the army az an institution assumed the political power, however, it was given an opportunity to put these theories into practice. With the definition of the constant and conjuntural national goals those countries of the vast territories aimed at both re-determination of their international economic and political positions and solving their problems connected with their own inner space. Therefore the regional transitions, the settling in the rarely- populated areas, the usage of sources of raw material and reserves, the control of transport and communication network of international significance and obtaining the influence over the new territories were the problems that in many of those countries came to the front. On the Latin-American continent the geopolitical schools with important theo-retical background were established in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. In this study we are going to introduce the Chilean geopolitical theory and practice established by generals Ramon Cañas Montalva and Augusto Pinochet. Apart from the theoretical outlines we will analyse the Chilean attitude to the possession of the Beagle-channel, The Drake-passage and the Magellan-strait and the Antarctic. ; Geopolitics as a multidisciplinary branch of social science and as a theory of foreign policy appeared on the Latin-American continent in the second half of the 1920s. The main features they include are the next: aggressive approach to the space, the continental adaption of the organic state-theory elaborated by Ratzel and Kjellen, moreover, the developed geopolitical theory was thought to be converted into practice via the growing role of the army. In all Latin- American countries the armed forces and their various institutions became the scientific centre of elaborating the new attitude to the international relations as a theory. When the army az an institution assumed the political power, however, it was given an opportunity to put these theories into practice. With the definition of the constant and conjuntural national goals those countries of the vast territories aimed at both re-determination of their international economic and political positions and solving their problems connected with their own inner space. Therefore the regional transitions, the settling in the rarely- populated areas, the usage of sources of raw material and reserves, the control of transport and communication network of international significance and obtaining the influence over the new territories were the problems that in many of those countries came to the front. On the Latin-American continent the geopolitical schools with important theo-retical background were established in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. In this study we are going to introduce the Chilean geopolitical theory and practice established by generals Ramon Cañas Montalva and Augusto Pinochet. Apart from the theoretical outlines we will analyse the Chilean attitude to the possession of the Beagle-channel, The Drake-passage and the Magellan-strait and the Antarctic.

The development of European Union law with respect to its content and sectoral division is inseparable from the evolution of the European integration process. In our approach this statement represents the correlation between widening and deepening, and the chain of treaty-based reforms within, first, the European Economic Community, and, later, the European Union. In the middle of the year 2011, the European Union comprises twenty-seven states, which joined the organization in different historical periods and times. In the various individual countries, general prescriptions and covenants are effective under the specific circumstances in the given state. These circumstances are defined by the time of the country's accession to the European integration, its framework of condi-tions, the form and phases of the preliminaries, and the results of the accession ne-gotiations. Due to these facts, the application, adoption, integration and domestic reception of community law partly depends on the characteristics and traditions of the country under examination, as well as the concrete solutions employed in its political system. There exist states where the application of community law and its reception in the international legal system has been a dominant issue from the very beginning on the level of (higher) education. Spain may be regarded such a state; European Stu-dies and European Law Studies within it has been introduced at all universities and higher education institutions of the kingdom. The development and application of European Law Studies in Spain is deeply affected by the theoretical issues presented and analysed in this paper: possible future changes in the Spanish form of state, the imminent general constitutional reform, and, first and foremost, institutional and legal changes within the European Union.

'Legal storytelling' is one of the most contested area of the interdisciplinary research field of 'law and literature', which has taken shape in the political and legal context of the United States originally. The proponents of 'legal storytelling' endeavour to 'give voice' to groups and minorities of disadvantageous social position by 'telling' – by hearing and publicizing, in fact – their stories unheard by law. However, many lawyers doubt that these everyday life, often trivial, stories carry any legally relevant content, while literati question their aesthetical value. The essay argues against these doubts leaning on the material of focus group interviews recorded in a recent research on the Hungarians' legal consciousness. It aims to expose the important role that these everyday life stories play in legal culture on the one hand, and, on the other hand, that the analysis of these uncanonised, not-belletristic texts could be fruitful indeed. For this, the first part of the essay offers a survey on how the concept of 'legal culture' emerged in Hungarian legal theoretical thinking, and how the sociological researches, in which the presented ordinary stories were recorded, connected to that. After analysing several story-bits taken from two focus group participants' narrations, the attention turns to stories told by the 'greats', that is by writers, and here enters Franz Kafka in the scope. The last part of the essay seeks to determine what relates the two kinds – the ordinary and the literary – of narratives and what are the differences between them. For a conclusion, it emphasizes that this essay can be seen only as an intuitive theoretical experience for using aesthetic notions in analysing empirical sociological data rather than a methodologically well-founded application of that. The basic idea of this experiment is that both law and aesthetics are permeated by moral, and social psychological constituents.

Changing Legal and Civic Culture in an Illiberal Democracy is a unique empirical study on recent developments in legal and civic consciousness in Hungary. Drawing its methodology from social psychology, thisbook illuminates a shift in legal consciousness during the time in which Orbn's government has cemented Hungary's reputation as an illiberal democracy. The book foregrounds the voices of the Hungarian population in how they view the shift towards increasingly right-wing politics and an erosion of the rule of law. It opens with an extensive theoretical introduction of the historical development and psychological dimensions of legal consciousness in Hungary and relates the Hungarian research to international developments. It then presents its empirical results and offers a jargon-free account of ordinary people's changing perceptions of their relationship to Hungary's civic and legal cultures, before finally examining the correlations between surveys. Methodologically, the book establishes that theories of legal consciousness and social change are bolstered by empirical data. Offering a new way of approaching shifts in legal consciousness and the rule of law in Balkan and Eastern European countries, this text will be of great interest to researchers and students of social psychology, law, international relations and Central European studies.